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The National People’s Congress anointed Mr. Xi as president four months after he was appointed
as Communist Party general secretary and chairman of the Central
Military Commission, giving him all three offices – party, army and
state – through which he is likely to wield power for the next decade.
There was never any doubt that compliant delegates to the annual
party-run parliament would overwhelmingly endorse Mr. Xi for president.
They also voted in his ally Li Yuanchao as vice president. Among the
2,956 delegates who cast valid ballots in the grandiose Great Hall of
the People, one contrary soul voted against Mr. Xi, while three
abstained.
Now Mr. Xi faces rival expectations of how he will apply the power in
his hands – expectations that he has kindled. Since succeeding Hu Jintao
as party leader in November, he has used meetings, speeches and visits
to a frenetic coastal city
and a dirt-poor village to signal he wants some economic
liberalization, more room for citizens to criticize the government, and a
crackdown on the official corruption that has increasingly infuriated
Chinese citizens.
Yet Mr. Xi has also rejected any turn to Western-inspired political liberalization and demanded utter loyalty from officials and the military.
“I think that he’s attracted to the idea of a kind of enlightened
dictatorship, or neo-authoritarianism. He rejects fundamental political
reform, but he wants a cleaner, more efficient government that is closer
to the public,” said Li Weidong, a former magazine editor in Beijing
who is a prominent commentator on politics.
“I think in the end it will be difficult for them to avoid issues of
political reform, because otherwise it will be impossible to eradicate
corruption,” Mr. Li said. “Relying on personal authority and party
indoctrination and traditions won’t solve the problems they face.”
Meeting parliament delegates this week and last, Mr. Xi repeated vows to
counter slowing economy growth by encouraging consumer spending and
pulling down barriers to farmers migrating to towns and cities. He told
People’s Liberation Army delegates that a strong, absolutely loyal
military is essential to his “China dream” of patriotic revival.
He also has shown a lighter public touch than his predecessor Mr. Hu, a
stiffly disciplined politician. After an uproar this week over thousands
of pig carcasses floating down a river near Shanghai, state media
highlighted Mr. Xi’s earlier comments on water pollution.
“The standard that Internet users apply for lake water quality is
whether the mayor dares to jump in and swim,” Mr. Xi told officials from
near pollution-plagued Lake Tai in eastern China, according to a state
media report.
Mr. Xi, 59, is the son of a Communist Party official who served under
Mao Zedong and became a supporter of Deng Xiaoping’s reforms to curtail
party controls and nurture markets. Vice President Li is also the
“princeling” son of a senior cadre.
Many party insiders thought that Mr. Li was destined for a place on the
elite, seven-member Politburo Standing Committee, but he was left out of
the lineup announced in November. However, Mr. Li’s new post will keep
him close to Mr. Xi, and he could still climb into the Standing
Committee at a party congress in 2017.
Before the parliament session ends on Sunday, it will also appoint Li
Keqiang as prime minister on Friday, succeeding Wen Jiabao, and install
new deputy prime ministers, ministers and other senior officials.
“They are all the sons of the party,” said Yao Jianfu, a retired party official and researcher in Beijing.
“For them, there’s no conflict between defending their own power and
developing a capitalist economy in China,” he said, adding Mr. Xi “will
have lean more to the left in politics than he can lean to right in
economic policy, otherwise he won’t be able to stabilize his place on
the emperor’s throne.”
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